The US-UK lied of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq to justify their illegal war, another controversial justification must also be revisited: economic sanctions. Its time for the "coalition of the willing" to recognized that its crime against humanity to lie to justify an illegal war and to practice genocide.
According to UN aid agencies, by the mid-1990s about 1.5 million Iraqis -- including 565,000 children - had perished as a direct result of the embargo, which included "holds" on vital goods such as chemicals and equipment to produce clean drinking water. Former assistant secretary general of the UN Dennis Halliday quit in protest in 1998 after one year at the helm as the UN humanitarian coordinator in Iraq. He described the sanctions as "genocidal."
After 13 years, some ask whether Iraqi sanctions were worth it
As political fallout rains down on London and Washington amid the absence of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, another controversial justification must also be revisited: economic sanctions directly responsible for the deaths of at least 1.5 million Iraqis.
For nearly 13 years, the UN Security Council imposed an all-encompassing embargo on Iraqi imports and exports, intending to force former Iraqi president Saddam Hussein to destroy stockpiles of biological and chemical weapons, and to dismantle a burgeoning nuclear weapons program. Several weapons inspectors on the ground in Iraq claimed that disarmament was virtually complete by the mid-1990s. The sanctions, however, were removed only last month when the US declared victory after its latest invasion.
According to UN aid agencies, by the mid-1990s about 1.5 million Iraqis -- including 565,000 children -- had perished as a direct result of the embargo, which included "holds" on vital goods such as chemicals and equipment to produce clean drinking water.
Former assistant secretary general of the UN Dennis Halliday quit in protest in 1998 after one year at the helm as the UN humanitarian coordinator in Iraq. He described the sanctions as "genocidal."
"I've been using the word `genocide' because this is a deliberate policy to destroy the people of Iraq. I'm afraid I have no other view," Halliday told journalist David Edwards in an interview in March last year.
Halliday's successor in Iraq, Hans von Sponeck, also resigned citing the same reasons after 18 months. The two former UN staffers, with 64 years combined experience working at the world body, said what was inflicted on the Iraqi people during the more than 12 years of sanctions was tantamount to crimes against humanity.
Both said changes to the UN's sanctions procedure must be made to ensure that what occurred in Iraq from 1991 to this year never happens again.
Where the real power lies
The UN adopted economic sanctions in 1945 as a measure to keep trouble-making regimes in line. Iraq, however, was the only nation ever to have its imports and exports under complete control of the 15-member UN Security Council. The real decision-making power over Iraq's sanctions, however, was in the hands of veto-wielding permanent members -- France, China, Russia, Britain, and the US.
Joy Gordon, from Fairfield University in Connecticut, spent three years researching the economic sanctions and interviewing UN staff involved in Iraq. In a Harper's magazine story last November, Gordon concluded most resistance holding up vital goods into Iraq came from the US and the UK.
US officials routinely claimed "dual-use" (having both civilian and military applications) items needed to be "held" and contracts reviewed to ensure Saddam's regime could not use imports for weapons programs. Gordon, Halliday, von Sponeck, among numerous others, accused the US of deliberately withholding aid vital to the health and welfare of the Iraqi people.
Last year, for example, the US blocked contracts for water tankers on the grounds that they might be used to haul chemical weapons. Yet the arms experts from the UN Special Commission had no objection to the tankers, Gordon reported in the Harper's article. This was at a time when the major cause of child deaths in Iraq was a lack of access to potable water, and when the country was in the middle of a severe drought.
Award-winning journalist John Pilger -- who produced the documentary film Paying the Price -- Killing the Children of Iraq -- said up to July last year, US$5.4 billion in vital humanitarian supplies for the people of Iraq were being obstructed by the US, backed by Britain.
The UN humanitarian reports on the blockade's effects on Iraqi children tell a grisly tale. In December 1995, the UN Food and Agriculture Organization reported 567,000 Iraqi children had died as a direct consequence of economic sanctions. In March 1996, a World Health Organization study released found the blockade had caused a six-fold increase in the mortality rate of Iraqi children under the age of five. UNICEF reported in October 1996 that 4,500 Iraqi children under five were dying every month as a result of sanctions-induced starvation and disease. Statistics such as these are not hard to find.
Then US secretary of state Madeline Albright was adamant during her tenure about maintaining the tough sanctions despite the horrific reports coming out of Iraq. She was interviewed about the UN sanctions in a 1995 television interview with American TV magazine 60 Minutes.
Assessing the price of sanctions
Asked by interviewer Lesley Stahl: "We have heard that a half-million children have died [in Iraq, as a result of the sanctions] ... I mean, that's more children than died in Hiroshima. And you know, is the price worth it?"
Albright replied: "I think this is a very hard choice, but the price -- we think the price is worth it."
The real threat posed by Saddam, and the need to disarm him of alleged stockpiles of deadly arms, remains a contentious issue. The main justification for the US-led invasion this year was the threat of his weapons of mass destruction. After 82 days in Iraq, not a single banned weapon has been found.
"The only weapon that Iraq has is oil and its revenues," Halliday said in an interview last December with Cairo's Al-Ahram Weekly newspaper.
That sentiment is backed by former chief UNSCOM weapons inspector Scott Ritter who spent seven years in Iraq. He has insisted the Iraqi regime was "fundamentally disarmed" between 1991 to 1998, with 90 percent to 95 percent of its unconventional weapons eliminated by December 1998.
He said the fact Saddam was a tyrant should not cloud over the outrage inflicted by the Security Council on the population of Iraq.
"He [Saddam] is a brutal dictator. He may torture to death 1,800 people a year. That's terrible and unacceptable. But we kill 6,000 a month. Let's put that on a scale," Ritter said in a June 1999 interview.
Evidence exists indicating US planners recognized early on the devastation sanctions would deliver upon the Iraqi population.
A declassified document from the US Defense Intelligence Agency in 1991 -- titled Iraq's Water Treatment Vulnerability -- outlined with deadly precision the effect economic sanctions would have on Iraq's water supply.
"Iraq depends on importing specialized equipment and some chemicals to purify its water supply," the agency report, dated Jan. 22, 1991, said. "Failing to secure supplies will result in a shortage of pure drinking water for much of the population. This could lead to increased incidences, if not epidemics, of disease.
"Although Iraq is already experiencing a loss of water treatment capability, it probably will take at least six months [to June 1991] before the system is fully degraded," the report said.
Thomas Nagy, a professor at George Washington University who discovered and brought the agency's document to the media's attention, said the US government knew the sanctions would result in water-treatment failure and, consequently, would kill an incalculable number of Iraqis.
As outlined by the Geneva Conventions, he says, that is a war crime.
Taipei Times
11 Jun 11 2003
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Taipei Times After 13 years, some ask whether Iraqi sanctions were worth it
Think Centre Singapore's stand on Iraqi war questioned
